Congress has been no angel when it has come to racist tensions on the floors on the Hill.Over the years not much has been done to curb the race rants either. King is the racist of them all. He is on his ninth term in Congress and his racist rants are well documented. The one rant I remember from this guy is: King: “Mixing cultures will not lead to a higher quality of life but a lower one.”
But let’s hold off for a minute and look at how this was handled 154 years ago. In 1865 the president of the United States was both a racist and a very difficult man to get along with. He was very much like our President today. It was Andrew Johnson and in 1865 Congress was baffled but willing to fight.They were wanting a just nation for all and Johnson wanted no part of it.His idea from the start was to keep our Nation divided.
Johnson routinely called blacks inferior. He bluntly stated that no matter how much progress they made, they must remain so. He openly called critics disloyal, even treasonous. He liberally threw insults like candy during public speeches. He rudely ignored answers he didn’t like. He regularly put other people into positions they didn’t want to be in, then blamed them when things went sour. His own bodyguard later called him “destined to conflict,” a man who “found it impossible to conciliate or temporize.”
But the nation’s politicians simply had to interact with Andrew Johnson, for he had become the legitimate, constitutionally ordained chief executive upon Abraham Lincoln’s death by assassination.
Their path for managing this choleric man reveals that a president need not be kicked out of office to be removed from holding a firm grip on the reins of power. It also shows that people around the president, from Congress to the Cabinet, have many more tools at their disposal.
Johnson vetoed both a civil rights bill designed to fight back the dreaded black codes and another measure to expand the functions of the Freedmen’s Bureau. His message to Congress about the latter veto included condescending language, like urging legislators to take “more mature considerations.” The vetoes enraged Capitol Hill, especially the author of the bills, to whom Johnson had raised no objections when he’d sought the president’s opinions during the drafting process.
The legislative branch, as a consequence, did something that was then unprecedented in American history on a major piece of legislation: They overturned a presidential veto. Then they did it again. Ultimately, they turned back the president’s rejections of bills a stunning 15 times—a record to this day, even though Johnson served a shorter term than most presidents. The Civil Rights Act’s veto override in the House prompted a spontaneous outburst of applause among both representatives and spectators; the speaker found it impossible to restore order for several minutes.
Also, in early 1866, a congressional Joint Committee on Reconstruction developed a constitutional amendment, which presidents have no power to either approve or deny. It sought to prohibit states from depriving citizens of fundamental rights or equal protection under the law and to rescind the constitutional formula by which states had gained the benefit of additional representation in Congress for slaves within their borders, without letting those slaves vote. Both houses of Congress passed it in June, but behind the scenes Johnson obstructed its ratification. The measure would ultimately become the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868.
The president also saw his judicial appointment powers curtailed. When a Supreme Court vacancy came up, Congress eliminated the seat rather than confirm Johnson’s nominee. As a hedge against a potential future Johnson appointment, they went ahead and legislated in advance that the next high court vacancy, too, would not require filling.
“For the first time in the history of our country,” wrote the New York Independent, “the people have been witness to the mortifying spectacle of the president going from town to town, accompanied by the prominent members of the Cabinet, on an electioneering raid, denouncing his opponents, bandying epithets with men in the crowd, and praising himself and his policies. Such a humiliating exhibition has never before been seen, nor anything even approaching to it.”
Some of his own cabinet members stayed in place simply so they could stop the President from doing harm to the United States.
Particularly distressing to Grant, Stanton and many others around them was the increasing violence in the South between emboldened former Confederates and former slaves asserting their rights. Already by the end of 1866, the president “became, if not treasonable in intent, yet unpatriotic in action,” Badeau noted, probably representing Grant’s views. “He fostered a spirit that engendered massacre, and afterward protected the evil-doers. He spoke, both with Grant in private and openly to the public, as if the Congress elected by the faithful States was an illegal body. He suggested to men’s minds that he might be plotting to allow the Southerners to return to their places in spite of the North.”
After suspending Stanton until Congress reconvened, the president ended up firing his war secretary outright in February 1868. Stanton refused to leave his office—literally moving in and hunkering down, day and night, for the duration of the crisis—giving representatives the excuse they’d been hoping for to try to kick the president out of office. Johnson that same month became the first president to be impeached by the House.
The failure of the Radical Republicans to convict him in the Senate (by one vote) and thus remove him from office didn’t stop Congress from keeping Johnson boxed in. He remained something short of a full chief executive during his final 10 months in office, with effective restrictions on his power, like the Tenure of Office Act, locked in. General Grant, by this time a candidate for the presidential election that November, believed that “Johnson had been taught a lesson which he would not forget.” Johnson’s leading biographer Hans Trefousse calls him, for the remainder of his time as chief executive, a “president in limbo.”
So, let’s look at today. For at least the past 17 years a man served in Congress that has been the Choir Boy for racism. He didn’t hide his views. He has tried on several occasions to instill his hate into Bills. He uses social media as a tool to spread his hate. Our Congress didn’t go after this guy until this man named King was in office for 16 years.
Now we have a President with the same qualities as King.
The rumors are that there are 5 racist individuals on the Hill including King not just one. We have 535 members of Congress that have barely touched the surface of racism on the Hill. To know that King was not reprimanded for 16 years is appalling. It has been 154 years and Congress has not even tried to put a end to bigotry on the Hill. They have done nothing except when they were threatened by the public to do something.
To know we have a bigot Congressman and a President allowed in office is a disgrace to America. The time folks is now to fix this. It's the right thing to do folks and YOU KNOW IT.
If we don't fix this now then we will have 5 more to take the place of the racist and rein 16 more years while the 535 members of Congress do nothing, and people will still be screaming about the moral outrage salad bar for another 154 years.
How a Difficult, Racist, Stubborn President Was Removed From Power—If Not From Office
Members of Congress and some in Andrew Johnson’s own Cabinet wanted him gone. They did the next best thing.
By DAVID PRIESS
November 13, 2018
A Timeline of Steve King’s Racist Remarks and Divisive Actions
While some Republicans suggested the Iowa congressman’s views were new to them, Mr. King has a long and documented history of denigrating racial minorities.
King was removed by Republicans from two powerful House committees after serving years in office.
Jan. 15, 2019